The Strange Survival of Liberal Britain: Politics and Power Before the First World War

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In this wide-ranging and sometimes controversial survey, one of our pre-eminent political historians dispels the popular myths that have grown up about this critical period in Britain’s story and argues that it set the scene for much that is laudable about our nation today. Imperial Conference on the Subject of the Defence of the Empire 1909, Imperial Conference Secretariat, October 1909, CO886/2, p.24-28 I came away buzzing and reassured that we still have in this century a wide ranging community fascinated not just by famous authors (I’ve rarely seen so many concentrated in one place) but by challenging ideas and questions.

But 2022 could end that civil war, for it is now the hard Brexiteers and the free marketeers who have been de-legitimised. The demise of Trussonomics has proved, once again, that we live in an interconnected world. While of course Brexit is yesterday’s argument, it is now clear that we cannot hope to prosper without a better relationship with the EU. The turbulent years of 1895 to 1914 changed Britain’s political landscape for ever. They saw a transition from aristocratic rule to mass politics and heralded a new agenda which still dominates today. The issues of the period – economic modernisation, social welfare and equality, secondary and technical education, a new role for Britain in the world – were complex and difficult. Indeed, they proved so thorny that despite the efforts of the Edwardians they remain among the most pressing problems we face in the twenty-first century. Tony Travers is Associate Dean of LSE School of Public Policy and Director of LSE London. His key research interests include local and regional government, elections and public service reform. Tony is chair of the British Government@LSE research group. Though perhaps an overlong account, Vernon Bogdanor has delivered a refreshing take on Liberal history The Conservatives, in the Lords, in the City and in the country, were far from beaten. In 1911, he notes, the Unionists defensively unveiled proposals for Lords reform, for a House of 350 members, partly appointed and partly elected on a regional basis by the single transferrable vote system. Yet 110 years-later, the Lords still contains three active dukes and more than 90 other hereditary peers. He praises the Liberal commitment to education for all, and their encouragement for working men entering Parliament. Yet two of our most recent male prime ministers were educated at Eton, and the third was head boy at Winchester. One might almost say that it is the astonishing survival of Conservative Britain which is the most remarkable legacy of the 20th century.It is a law of economic gravity that we trade more with nearby countries than with those more distant. As David Cameron pointed out during the referendum campaign, we trade more with Ireland than with Brazil, Russia, India and China combined. Heather Jones joined University College London as Professor in Modern and Contemporary European History in 2018, having previously worked at the London School of Economics and Political Science where she was Associate Professor in International History. Heather works on war cultures 1880-1945. Her main research expertise is on the First World War. She is a particular specialist in prisoner of war studies, and on the British monarchy and the First World War. Every literary festival stays in an author’s mind for slightly individual reasons. I shall remember the Oxford festival for:

M. Plaut, Promise and Despair: The first struggle for a non-racial South Africa, Jacana Media, 2016.A. Odendaal, The Founders: The origins of the ANC and the struggle for democracy in South Africa, Jacana Media, 2012. H. Herwig, ‘Luxury’ Fleet: The Imperial German Navy, 1888 – 1918, George Allen & Unwin, London, 1980, p.50 R. Massie, Dreadnought: Britain, Germany and the Coming of the Great War, Jonathan Cape, London, 1992, p. 222

The period has often been seen as one of decadence, of the strange death of liberal Britain. In contrast, Vernon Bogdanor believes that the robustness of Britain’s parliamentary and political institutions and her liberal political culture, with the commitment to rational debate and argument, were powerful enough to carry her through one of the most trying periods of her history and so make possible the remarkable survival of liberal Britain. Masterly. The debate over the tumultuous years before 1914 has occupied historians ever since George Dangerfield published The Strange Death of Liberal England in 1935. Vernon Bogdanor gives a magisterial rebuttal, demonstrating the robustness of Britain’s institutions at a time of political change. He provides a fascinating tour d’horizon of the Edwardian political scene. This must be a definitive account.” Professor Jane Ridley, author of George V: Never a Dull Moment The night in Oxford was the most beautiful event I have ever done. Not just the spectacular setting (of the Sheldonian), but an unforgettable evening. As generations of students know, Vernon Bogdanor is an unrivalled expert on history and politics, and this book brilliantly brings together his thoughts – crisp, authoritative and lucid – on a vital, transformational period of Britain’s past.” Nicholas Owen, associate professor of politics, University of Oxford Mark Connelly has broad interests in modern military history and warfare, culture and society. He is particularly interested in the commemoration of the two world wars with a specialism in the work of the Imperial (now Commonwealth) War Graves Commission. He is also interested in popular perceptions of war and the armed forces in Britain and the Commonwealth from the mid-19th century. He has broad interests in modern military history and warfare, culture and society.

John S. Galbraith, The British South Africa Company and the Jamerson Raid, Journal of British Studies, Vol. 10. No. 1, November 1970, pp. 145 – 161 A stimulating and rewarding on-stage conversation; a lively informed and tolerant audience; privileged access to the great treasures of the Bodleian, and finally, wonderfully interesting dinner companions to help me conclude the best day I have enjoyed at any festival – anywhere. The crisis of 2022 could prove a turning point in British politics. It is the culmination of a period of instability inaugurated by the Brexit referendum of 2016, which caused the immediate resignation of Prime Minister, David Cameron, and three further prime ministerial resignations since 2019. The LSE School of Public Policy( @LSEPublicPolicy) equips you with the skills and ideas to transform people and societies. It is an international community where ideas and practice meet. Their approach creates professionals with the ability to analyse, understand and resolve the challenges of contemporary governance.

The collapse of Trussonomics is a devastating blow to the cheerleaders of Brexit (Photo: Leon Neal/Getty Images) Joseph Chamberlain – to ask what he would do today to modernise Britain. Winston Churchill – because, like Chamberlain, he had such energy and originality. I would ask him too how he would modernise Britain. Between 1895 to 1914, Britain’s political landscape was changed for ever. It was a period of transition from aristocratic rule to mass politics and heralded a new agenda which still dominates today. The issues of the period – economic modernisation, social welfare and equality, secondary and technical education, a new role for Britain in the world – were complex and difficult. Indeed, they proved so thorny that despite the efforts of the Edwardians they remain among the most pressing problems we face in the twenty-first century. The years 1895 to 1914 were formative. They heralded a new agenda which still dominates our politics. The issues of the period - economic modernisation, social welfare and social equality, secondary and technical education, a new role for Britain in the world - were complex and difficult.A more competitive Britain, they argued, meant encouraging enterprise by lowering personal and corporation tax and shrinking the state. The hard Brexiteers sought, in the words of Liz Truss’s resignation speech “a low tax economy” that “would take advantage of the freedoms of Brexit”. As thorough a political history of Edwardian England as you could desire.” Simon Heffer, Daily Telegraph